I went to
see the first preview of Anú’s ‘Hammam’ at the Peacock in the week before
Christmas. I wonder if those who drew up the blueprints for the entrance to the
Peacock – it could easily be the way-in to an underground car park – had any
idea that, despite its anodyne look, it would become deeply resonant space,
with its own elaborate geometry of echoes, so to speak. I suppose the most
powerful and emotionally ambiguous spaces are those that have all the look of
non-places but, because of constant use, hold a greater richness than spaces
more designed and obviously beautiful.
Looking
at the Abbey Theatre’s website, I realize that the first play I saw in the
Peacock was probably Joe Dowling’s production of ‘Twelfth Night’ in March 1975.
It included actors who were part of the permanent troupe in the Abbey whom I
admired and came to see many more times over the years – Des Cave, Clive
Geraghty, Deirdre Donnelly, Philip O’Sullivan, Eamon Morrissey.
I remembered
Joe Dowling’s production of ‘A Winter’s Tale’ at the Peacock and thought to
check the date – maybe 1980? – with Des Cave and Kate Flynn. But then, as I
looked down the cast list of ‘Twelfth Night’ again, I saw that Derek Chapman
played Feste the Fool, and I remembered him immediately in the 1975 production,
his song at the very end of the play, his small stature against a large-toned
performance that was comic and then could turn into a kind of bitterness.
In 1978,
when I came back to live in Dublin, the excitement was centred in the Peacock rather
than the Abbey. The productions I saw in the Peacock included Garrett Keogh in
Bernard Farrell’s ‘I Do Not Like Thee, Doctor Fell’; Liam Neeson and Colm Meany
in Graham Reid’s ‘The Death of Humpty Dumpty’; an extraordinary ‘Waiting for
Godot’, performed by the Hecklers Group from Cavan, directed by Dermot Healy;
Stephen Brennan in Neil Donnelly’s ‘Upstarts’; T.P. McKenna in Stewart Parker’s
‘Nightshade’; Barry McGovern in Sam Shepard’s ‘Buried Child’; Marie Mullen in
Garry Hynes’s production of ‘Island Protected by a Bridge of Glass’; Frank
McGuinness’s ‘The Factory Girls’ with Maureen Toal and May Cluskey; the San
Quentin Drama Workshop in ‘Krapp’s Last Tape’; Tom MacIntyre’s ‘The Great
Hunger’, directed by Patrick Mason and starring Tom Hickey.
All this during
a period of five or six years – between, say, 1978 and 1984.
I grew to
love the Peacock space not because it was small and intimate – it never seemed
that small or that intimate. I loved it because I saw good plays and good
productions there.
I didn’t
even mind when the slatted wooden cladding in the auditorium was removed to
show bare concrete.
Walking
down the stairs of the Peacock to go to Anú’s ‘Hammam’ was like opening the
door of a pub that I had loved – the old Scotch House, for example, or
Mulligan’s in Poolbeg Street, or the back room of Kehoe’s in South Anne Street,
or the front snug in Toner’s or Doheny and Nesbitt’s, or Hartigan’s in Leeson
Street.
Anú had
made a maze of small rooms and corridors out of the Peacock stage and
auditorium, creating a space that resembled the Hammam Family Hotel and Turkish
Baths in Upper O’Connell Street which was destroyed in the Civil War in July
1922. As we moved around the space, I really did believe that we were, in fact,
under the Abbey and the Peacock in some long-disused space that I didn’t know
existed.
Anú’s
staging of the Treaty debates, as edited by Theo Dorgan, is riveting – I saw
one of the parts live and have watched the rest on film courtesy of the IFI
website: (https://www.ifihome.ie/page/staging-the-treaty/)
– The
production is all the more fascinating when you know what the outcome will be – who is doomed, who will live to be old, and to whom history will be kind. The
actor Darragh Feehely, as Michael Collins, displays a fine impatience and
sometimes a kind of unconcealed contempt for his opponents that places him at
the centre of the space. The very room in Earlsfort Terrace where the Treaty
debates took place is also the room where Anú’s production happened.
John
Cronin, as de Valera, moves from fine points of distinction into a passionate
embrace of some theory of nationhood.
What
puzzled me as I watched them is: how did all of them become so eloquent? In
what forum did these men and women – the Irish revolutionaries - learn public
speaking, how to construct an argument. They had not been lawyers, nor indeed
had they been parliamentarians. They had not even served on county councils.
And yet they managed to be coherent, even when they made long speeches, and
sharp when they went in for invective. Some of the speeches are outstanding for
their clarity and their structure.
This made
me wonder if the eloquence itself on display in these debates caused a problem
in 1922. It occurred to me that those who had reservations about the overall
content or the fine print of the Treaty became even more passionate on the
subject simply because they got so much time to debate it with the men who had
been to London to negotiate it. In other words, the language itself, the
impassioned tone, or the calm eloquent points made, or the sense of clashing
debate, caused the speaker to feel even more passionate, or more excited, or
more extreme, once he or she had sat down, having spoken. Formulating
opposition created opposition. And the next time they got a chance to speak,
some of them seemed to be even more opposed to the Treaty and to those who
signed it. Some of these men and women, it is possible, were carried along by
their own speeches into territory – a full civil war – that they would never
have dreamed of when the debates began. Others, of course, were diehards as
much at the beginning as at the end.
In Anú’s
‘Staging the Treaty’, the figure of Cathal Brugha, who had an animosity against
Michael Collins that was personal as well as political, is played by Jamie
O’Neill, who also plays him in ‘Hammam’ when there is no time for debating. It
is clear in ‘Hammam’ that Brugha is doomed; if he walks out of this building,
it will be to his death. He will be shot.
He is
being looked after, consoled perhaps, prepared for his end, by a Capuchin
priest, played by Darragh Feehely who also played Michael Collins in ‘Staging
the Treaty’. And this would be a sweet irony except that it didn’t strike me
for a moment, until I saw the cast-list later, that this was the same actor; Feehely
transformed himself for the new part.
How do
you write the final scene between Brugha and the priest? In the mayhem of the
small hotel, they face each other. What is interesting is how seriously Louise
Lowe, the director and writer of ‘Hammam’, takes the question of religion. What
Brugha says are not just empty words or parts of a formula. He has what they
used to call ‘deep faith’. This gives him courage as he awaits his own death.
Lowe writes this with astonishing sensitivity and insight.
Brugha
manages in his conversations with the priest to be both articulate and
confused; he grunts and groans, but then he makes clear statements and asks
questions. It is all intimate, what might have been said. Since the same
Capuchin priest ministered to Terence MacSwiney when he was dying on hunger
strike, MacSwiney is invoked here. And then Brugha, who has been kneeling,
lifts his head for a moment and asks the priest in a tone that is understated
but also pleading and urgent: ‘Was Terence afraid?’
If anyone
had told me a day earlier that I would have tears in my eyes when Cathal Brugha
asked a question about Terence MacSwiney, I would have dismissed such a
possibility. But here I was, trying not to blubber.
Later,
when I had my wits about me and was safely sitting on the Luas going home, I
started to think about the Civil War. And this caused me, having arrived home,
to sit for a while re-reading parts of Diarmaid Ferriter’s book about the Irish
Civil War, ‘Between Two Hells’. I wasn’t looking to be cheered up, but, by
chance, I found a passage that actually made me laugh. It is when a man called
Christy Ferguson, an apprentice boilermaker at the Inchicore railway works, was
caught shouting ‘Up the Republic!’ His interrogator at Wellington Barracks,
where he was taken, told him, ‘I’ll give you Up the fucking Republic, you fucking
little Robert Emmet.’ The description of the subsequent vicious treatment of
Ferguson by his interrogator, however, soon put an end to my laughter.
Ferriter
quotes Sean O’Faolain who wrote, many years afterwards, of the revolutionary
period as ‘one of the most ecstatic periods of my life, during which all moral
problems vanished in the fire of patriotism … during those heavenly years I
dreamed of liberty, equality, fraternity.’ Of the Civil War, during which he
took the anti-Treaty side, O’Faolain wrote that it ‘woke us up from the
mesmerism of the romantic dream. It set us asking questions … about the
pre-sanctified dogmas of our history.’
I remain
puzzled by the Civil War because while I can understand that a number of
diehards (and, indeed, old Fenians such as my grandfather) might have wanted to
settle for nothing less than a republic, it is hard to see how figures like
Sean O’Faolain and Frank O’Connor, Sean Lemass and Sean McEntee, Jim Ryan and
Frank Aiken decided not only that the Treaty was worth opposing but that a
civil war was worth fighting. Aiken, to take one example, seems to have fought
the war with some gusto. Or so I have always believed, influenced perhaps by
Kevin O’Higgins dubbing him as ‘a mad dog’ in February 1923. But Diarmaid
Ferriter offers a more nuanced version of Aiken at this time. When he ordered
the IRA to dump arms, Ferriter writes: ‘It was perhaps appropriate that it was
Aiken who issued that command, as he “hated” the civil war, was under severe
emotional strain and was less dismissive of politics than some of his
anti-Treaty peers.’
I wonder
would it be possible to piece together an intellectual history of the
anti-Treaty side. It might be hard to put questions of class and temperament
out of the way, or to leave aside the matter of how young most of the
participants were. But there must have been views about the difference between
a Republic and a Free State that would have made the second anathema. What were
their roots? And how much did a notion of a republic as a pure ideal that could
not be replaced by a compromise come from serious thinking rather than a
diehard emotional response?
It struck
me, as I said, watching Cathal Brugha talking in ‘Hammam’ to the priest how
deep his religious faith seemed to be. Is it possible that the example of Jesus
as an uncompromising figure - more powerful even than Cuchulain - someone who
was ready to sacrifice himself for a mystical idea, might have influenced some
of the anti-Treaty people?
And then
there is the small matter of Dostoevsky. In his autobiographical novel
‘Blacklist, Section H’, Francis Stuart describes his time in prison for his
anti-Treaty activities spent reading the Russian novelist. I wonder who else
was reading him. He would not have led his followers towards compromise.
Ernie
O’Malley wrote to Molly Childers from prison: ‘I’m just as well off in here –
no one to bother me. I feel in my bones I could never live at home … I have my
books and plenty of time to think.’ Diarmaid Ferriter quotes Frank O’Connor,
who ‘took advantage of enforced solitude to listen to his interior voices’. He
did not want martyrdom and ‘didn’t want to die … I wanted to live, to read, to
hear music’, as too many mythical abstractions reduced life to ‘a tedious
morality’.
In
imagining a book about the Irish Civil War, I am thinking of Volker
Weidermann’s book ‘Dreamers: When the Writers Took Power, Germany 1919’, which
examines the disastrous Munich revolution of 1919, led by figures such as the
poet Ernst Toller and the playwright Erich Mühsam. The book describes events as
they happen in real time. Although we know that both Toller and Mühsam were
imprisoned after the revolution and that Mühsam was executed by the Nazis in
1934 and Toller committed suicide in New York in 1939, we don’t know these
facts as we read the book. We are allowed to see the leaders, the dreamers, as
though they might have prevailed.
Since the
Decade of Commemorations in Ireland is over, it is unlikely that there will be
a big rush to revisit the Civil War. As a result of Diarmaid Ferriter’s book,
we know how the violence impacted on families and on survivors. We know how
many died. We are aware of the waste and the horror.
But what
were the anti-Treaty people thinking? What about the small matter of ideology?
It is clear - or is it? - that what happened was irrational. It seems so now in
a time when it is a relief when warring factions move towards agreement and
compromise. Why was such a move, for some people, not a relief then? I await an
Irish version of Volker Weidermann’s ‘Dreamers’, but that might be a hard title
for us to stomach in the light of what we know about the Civil War.
Colm Tóibín (December 2023)